I’ve been avoiding posting about American politics, but I can’t avoid it anymore. Via Johnny Pez, political analysis from a parallel universe:
In this version of events, Joe Lieberman is not acting on his own to make the bill as unpleasant to liberals as possible. Instead, Lieberman is simply doing what Obama wants him to do: stripping out the parts of the bill that the health-care industry doesn't like, while keeping in the parts that the industry does like. Greenwald notes that Lieberman has received no criticism from the White House for doing this. Rather, the White House has reserved its criticism for Howard Dean, who has pointed out just how corporate-friendly the bill has become and who has publicly called for the defeat of the bill.
This is politics the DLC way: a big wet sloppy kiss for corporate interests and a flip of the bird to the party’s liberal base. These are the principles that Obama's Chief of Staff, Rahm Emanuel, has espoused throughout his political career, and presumably that's why Obama made him Chief of Staff in the first place.
If this is what's really going on, then Obama is a DLC Democrat, and always has been. Those who defend Obama, saying that he was helpless to influence events, and that it was all Rahm’s fault, or all Joe’s fault, are in denial. It's no use crying, “If only the Tsar knew!” because, as always, the Tsar has known, and approved, all along.
The Tsar? Okay. Either way, it is an interesting post from a world where the Democrats had 65 seats instead of sixty, or cloture required less than sixty votes, or the Republicans had less internal discipline, or Howard Dean was a Senator, or the Senate did not exist. Or something. Of course, we live in a world in which the Senate does exist, cloture requires 60 votes, Republican opposition is unbreakable, and Howard Dean is not a Senator. In which case none of the above makes any bloody sense at all.
I really get a little crazy when people assume the President has power that the office does not convey. The bill we have is the best bill that could pass, regardless of the President’s preferences. So stop it already with the preference parsing. Who cares?
Now, the President might have been able to get a bigger stimulus had he been willing to forget about the possibility of Republican votes. (Of course, Arlen Specter was not yet a Democrat, which poses some problems.) He could have gone to mattresses on financial reform. He could have dumped health care in order to go to the mattresses on financial reform. Heck, maybe he should still go to the mattresses on financial reform; it is a policy field in which liberals can fail without, you know, allowing people to die of preventable illnesses. And there is slowness on Guantánamo, the backpedalling on detention, and other stuff.
Analyses should, you know, make sense. Which means that they should take political realities into account. The whole Tsar metaphor, well, it doesn’t make any sense, not in this universe. Sure, yeah, people are disappointed. And people are disappointed because they thought the Senate would be more progressive, or the Republicans more divided, or because they didn’t think about legislative politics at all. But that’s where it ends ... unless you want to fault the President for wanting to, well, pass stuff into law.
On July 2008, Doug Muir read a New Yorker article about the President’s early career in Chicago. Doug then wrote: “What the article does is, it gives me a much clearer notion of how President Obama may disappoint.” I asked him at the time to elaborate; he did not. But I’d like to ask now: Doug, has President Obama disappointed his supporters in the way that you expected he might, or is he disappointing them in a different way?
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